Reverend Osagyefo Uhuru Sekou on Generation X and the crisis in the African-American church
I wouldn’t have religion I couldn’t feel sometimes!
-African-American Spiritual
In an all African-American male Sunday school class, we were supposed to be discussing Abraham’s near sacrifice of his son Isaac. Tupac Shakur became the pertinent ram in the bush. I was overcome by the intensity of these adolescents as they talked and even yelled about the life, death and possible resurrection of Tupac. Their fervor for Tupac surpassed any conversation we had about Jesus. In an attempt not to the make the same mistake of other clergy who had demonized Tupac for every drive-by shooting that has taken place during his brief career, it dawned upon me to ask a different kind of question. “Why is it so important to you that Tupac is still alive ?”
A hush came over the room. The responses had an existential quality: “He kept it real”, “He could feel me and I could feel him”, and “That’s not the way I wanted him to go out”, and “He said what I feel” . These are the words of African-American youth who attend church, Sunday school, and bible study, regularly. How is it that the brothers who have better understanding of biblical theology, African-American church tradition, and Jesus than most adults I know find such a tragicomic relevance to the life, death, and possible resurrection of Tupac Shakur? What has happen to the church’s role in our community? And how can we move from our present crisis?
The gap between the reality of urban youth and the relevance of the church is broadening. Several factors have contributed to the estrangement between the African-American church and urban youth.
First, the general decline in the quality of life for the disproportionately youthful African-American underclass. Beginning in the mid-seventies the face of poverty has become increasingly younger -the venerable, “the least of these”, oft times those who are not old enough to work. In 1983, those who were under 18 had the highest percent in poverty. During that same year the government was spending eleven dollars on elderly for every one dollar for children. Of the 13 million poor children that year, 500,000 were homeless.
The maximum AFDC benefit that was paid to a family of four was 63 percent of the federal poverty level. In 1980 the amount dropped to 40 percent of federal poverty level, while the cost of living was increasing at the same. And those who were lifted out of poverty only amounted to 12 percent. Forty percent of poor children were cut from welfare benefits from 1973 to 1983.
From 1980 to 1986 56 billion dollars were eliminated, cut, or estranged through eligibility restrictions from America’s children and families. Between 1978 and 1988 there was a 80 percent drop (i.e. 23 billion dollars to less than 9 billion dollars) in housing assistance for poor families. The taxes on a family of four earning poverty-level income increase from 2 percent to 10 percent from 1979 to 1982.
As the modest sized African-American middle class achieved some economic stability as a result of civil rights’ legislation, the vast majority of African-Americans who are working poor continued to fall into the colored clutches of poverty. Generation X’s economic reality is one of recession. Of the 21 millions of jobs created during the eighties, forty-four percent paid less than $7,400. That was 30 percent less that the poverty-level for a family of three. The words “latchkey” and “peer pressure” are less than twenty years old. They became popular during Reagan era as more and more mothers worked outside the home. Children let themselves in their homes with keys on strings. As the time youth spent with their parents decreased the time with peers increase. Their sons and daughters are latchkey children who are subject to peer pressure.
During the recession between March 1990-March 1991, 1.45 million jobs were lost in the United States. Despite the fact that they only represented seventeen percent of all workers, the group that was hit the hardest was between the ages of sixteen and twenty-four years old. They represented sixty-five percent of the job loss. Over sixty percent of those on welfare rolls have are children who are not old enough to work. And when they become old enough to work they will only have excess to what Douglas Coupland calls McJobs which are low-pay, low-prestige, low-dignity, low-benefit, no-future jobs in the service sector.
Secondly, the religious right’s monopoly of the public discourse on morality (i.e. family values dogma) is legitimized in public policy (e.g. affirmative action repeals, welfare reform, Contract with America, and Proposition 209). Their media “priest” under the (de)guise of Christian programming expose conservative politics. Organizations such as the Christian Coalition have participated heavily in electoral politics for conservative, not necessarily, Christian politicians. Numerous articles have been written that attest to the fact the religious right is more interested in returning America to its pre-civil rights past than saving souls or honoring the Lord Jesus. (see U.S. News & World Report, Cover Story, “For God’s Sake: Religious Conservatives Think Their Time Has Come ” April 24, 1995 , pages 26-34 & 39; U.S. News & World Story ” The Rise of the Christian Capitalists”, March 13, 1995, pages 52-56,59-60,62-63 and Time, Cover Story, ” The Right Hand of God”, May 15, 1995, 29-35 .)
Their politics tend to attack the poor and usurp the prophetic tradition of the African-American church. Rep. J.C. Watts, a Republican from Oklahoma and a minister, comments on Rev. Jesse Jackson as a race hustling poverty pimp smacks in the face of African-American church’s tradition of “loving thine enemies” even if they have clubs, dogs, nooses, burning crosses, waters hoses . . . etc. Other Republicans have quoted Dr. Martin Luther King’s statement of judging one by the content of their character rather than the color of skin. This use of Dr. King’s moral vision is a call for the end of affirmative action. Welfare reform has become a code word for African-American women. The religious rights critique of the poor places the majority of the blame on the shoulders of the poor. It spends more time laying blame than laying on of hands. Grace, compassion, and love is completely absent from the welfare reform debate.
This criticism of the right does not absolve the left or the Democratic party. The grotesque liberalism pervasive in the left is ungodly. The left promotes the kind of relativism that makes moral authority impossible. However in popular discourse the words conservative, republican and Christian have become exchangeable. This is not the case for other political and religious vernacular. This is extremely problematic. (Did Newt Gingrich die for our sins ?)
The gap between the African-American church and youth is linked to a third inseparable factor– the rise of leadership outside the prophetic tradition of the African-American church is another facet of the crisis in the African-American church.. The Nation of Islam’s popularity increased also through popular culture mediums [i.e. rap (e.g. Paris, Public Enemy, Prince Akeem, and Spike Lee’s “X”]. Louis Farrakan’s voice can be heard on Tupac’s latest album. Farrakhan helped to orchestrate the recent Hip-Hip Summit, which included the most prominent rap artist in the country and called for east coast and west coast unity. ‘The Final Call’, the Nation’s news publication, is sold at urban intersections and street corners by well disciplined, neatly dressed African-American men all over America.
What has been deemed as anti-Semitic and racist language used by Farrakhan and his ministers has his face and the Nation’s name plastered across major newspapers and magazines several times a year. Louis Farrakhan’s ability to call a million men to Washington D.C. speaks to lack of deep level of disenfranchisement between the African-American church and African-American men specifically. The tremendous controversy and success of the Million Man March, World Friendship Tour, and the offer of a billion dollar loan from Libya’s Colonel Quaddafi took Louis Farrakhan and the Nation to a new height of world-wide media exposure.
As racism continues to raise it ugly head on television, at work, in school and at home, African-American youth are looking for answers, which are not being answered in traditional settings. The Nation provides an answer. It may not be the right one but it is a relevant one. The Nation of Islam’s membership is approximately twenty thousand but it has a lot of Christian sympathizers because of its critique on white supremacy and social relevancy. In the presence of African-American youth, the mere statement, “I am Muslim”, invokes positive assumptions-a commitment to freedom struggle, a hard work ethic, strong manhood, astute fathering, and respect for African-American women; whereas identifying with Christianity in the same context invokes notions of weakness and passivity.
To compound that problem African-American popular culture representations have not be favorable to the African-American church . The recurring character of ‘Rev. Lonnie Love’ on Martin, Friday, Booty Call, Menace II Society, and New Jack City have depicted unscrupulous or at bare minimum irrelevant church folk who help contribute to the problems and stereotypes of the African-American church. Popular culture gives alternative descriptions of Christianity, salvation, and God. On Tupac Shakur’s latest C.D. cover he is suspended on a cross. His lyrical content filled with biblical references. Tupac calls upon the listener to follow him and “be flesh of his flesh and bone of his bone.” He wonders, “Mom, tell me if God is just another cop . . .?” Bone-n-Thug’s song “Crossroads” offers a new age description of the after life. Lil Kim and Foxxy Brown find salvation in DKNY and eroticism. Master P question whether or not there “Is a heaven for a gangsta ?” Equally, Suge Knight’s Death Row Records, Sean “Puffy” Combs’ Bad Boy Entertainment and Keith T. Clinkscales’ Vibe magazine have more influence over the lives of African-American youth than the Nation of Islam, the National Baptist Convention, and the Progressive Baptist Convention combined.
Fortunately, the problems of poverty, popular culture, and the religious right are not insurmountable. The Civil Rights movement is a glaring example of the prophetic role the African-American church. Political rallies were often held in churches. Fannie Lou Hammer, a founder of the Lowdes County Freedom Party, was a devout Christian. Malcolm X appeared in a church at the request of Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee while Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. was incarcerated for a protest. The great gospel songstress Mahaila Jackson performed, “Precious Lord”, at the historic march on Washington. Malcolm X’s funeral was held in an African-American Christian church . Racist organizations bombed African-American churches as a form of terrorism. Recently, the practice was re-instituted
There is a prophetic need for a vision that builds upon the best of African-American church’s tradition. One of the greatest challenges that the African-American church face is to engage the spiritual mandate which has social implications. The spiritual mandate and social implication is found in the sum of the law. To love the Lord God with all thy heart, mind, and soul and to love thy neighbor as thyself will provide the African-American church with theological sophistication and social relevancy necessary to speak the special truth of the gospel with grace and compassion to the least of these.
Biographical Note:
As a St. Louis born, twentysomething, Baptist preacher, counselor, educator, author, and social activist, Reverend Osagyefo Uhuru Sekou is one of the most prophetic voices of his generation. With powerful oratory gift Rev. Sekou has lectured throughout the country. Upon attending one of Rev. Sekou’s lectures, Cornel West commented, “He has the most concise and in depth analysis of youth that I have heard”.
In the winter of 1998 Rev. Sekou will release Urban Souls: Reflections on Race, Religion, and Society. With an organic and contemporary pen, this book delves into the spiritual crisis beset America and popular culture.
Currently, Rev. Sekou directs The Fellowship Center in the poverty-stricken inner city of St. Louis, MO. Of his work at the center, Rev. Sekou often states, “We must prepare our youth to survive, thrive and at their prophetic best transform a marketplace that desires their souls”. Using his philosophy of redemptive pedagogy, The Fellowship Center’s mission is to produce world citizens who are life-long learners, dedicated to community service. Over four hundred urban children and their families are served by The Fellowship Center.
